Repealing the N.H. Vaccine Association would hurt taxpayers and businesses, critics say

Support has emerged on both sides of the aisle for the organization, which buys vaccines at a discount at no cost to the state.

By Kelly Burch, Granite State News Collaborative

The N.H. House of Representatives has voted to do away with the N.H. Vaccine Association, a nonprofit that buys vaccines at a roughly 30% discount at no cost to the state. 

But people who oppose the bill — including doctors, public health experts, and some Republican lawmakers — say that repealing the N.H. Vaccine association would result in higher costs to the state (and thus, taxpayers), inflict a financial burden on doctors’ offices, increase insurance premiums, and ultimately result in fewer vaccinated children in the state. 

“This program has worked extremely well for a long time and hasn’t cost the state any money,” said Rep. David Nagel, R-Gilmanton, who is also a physician. “What’s problematic about this bill [is] from the very beginning, virtually no stakeholders supported it. That should be a red flag for everybody.”

The bill — HB 524 — passed the House on a vote of 189-181 on March 6. This week, it was considered by the House Ways and Means Committee, which evaluates all bills that affect state spending. The committee retained the bill, meaning it will be reconsidered later in the legislative session. 

Rep. Mary Murphy, R-Francestown, initially voted for the bill, but later testified against it during the committee meeting, after conducting hours of research that she said shows the bill would result in higher insurance premiums and thus greater cost to the state. 

“We don’t want to support any bills that are going to add to the tax burden of the public,” she said. “That’s where I’m coming from and why I decided to try and sustain this organization.”

What is the N.H. Vaccine Association?

The N.H. Vaccine Association is a nonprofit that buys vaccines in bulk at a 30% discount from what doctors’ offices would otherwise pay, according to Dr. Julie Kim, president of the New  Hampshire chapter of the American Academy of Pediatrics.

“It has nothing to do with policy or requirements to get a vaccine,” she said. “All it is, is a buying discount.”

The nonprofit was established in 2002 by state law (RSA 126-Q) and had bipartisan support at the time, said Patrick Miller, executive director of the N.H. Vaccine Association. The cost of running the association — including the price of vaccines and a 0.84% administrative cost — is paid entirely by assessments levied on health insurers who operate in the state. 

These funds — roughly $24 million last year — are then given to the state and combined with federal funding that covers vaccines for children who are uninsured or on Medicaid. Using those two funding sources, the state then buys vaccines at a 30% discount and makes them available to all doctors’ offices in the state, Miller said. 

The state has no cost in operating the program. 

“We’re not requiring vaccines, we’re not impacting vaccines policy, and we’re not taking state dollars,” Miller said. 

The impact of repeal

Repealing the vaccine association would impact the economy, taxes and public health, experts say. 

“Vaccines are crucially important to maintaining the health of our population and, honestly, the economic prosperity of our communities,” said Dr. Sally Kraft, population health officer for Dartmouth Health System.

The most immediate impact of a repeal is that vaccines would no longer be available at a discounted rate to providers, and thus patients. (The state would still be able to buy at a discount for children on Medicaid or who are uninsured, Miller said.) 

“There’s no question that the cost of vaccines will go up,” Kraft said. 

That would likely result in higher insurance premiums, which affects individuals who have commercial insurance and businesses that pay for insurance for their employees. The N.H. Insurance Department has estimated there will be an increased cost of $7.19 million annually to the private insurance market if the vaccine association is repealed.

The state would incur greater costs to provide insurance to its employees because of rising premiums, which could impact taxes, experts say. 

"We’ll all be spending more money,” Kraft said. 

In addition, providers would need to buy vaccines on their own, which might mean that some clinics — particularly small clinics in rural areas — have fewer vaccines available, experts say. That’s one of the reasons Murphy, who represents towns of Deering and Francestown, testified against the bill. 

“I’m concerned about the effect it would have on the doctors,” she said. 

Rather than keeping vaccines on hand in their clinics, doctors might order vaccines as needed, meaning that patients may need to return for a second appointment to get a vaccine, creating a barrier to timely vaccination, experts say. In addition, offices would need to shoulder the administrative and financial burden of ordering and billing insurers for vaccines. 

“It took a long time to build up such an efficient framework that runs pretty smoothly and takes a lot of the administrative burden off of providers,” said Tory Jennison, a registered nurse who is executive director of the N.H. Public Health Association.

People in favor of keeping the N.H. Vaccine Association say that payers, providers, patients and taxpayers all benefit. 

“This is a win, win, win, win,” said Nagel. “There are four wins in this and no losses.”

What’s the reason for the bill?

Rep. Michael Granger, R-Milton Mills,, and Rep. Mike Belcher, R-Wakefield, two of the bill’s seven Republican sponsors, did not return requests for comment about the impetus behind the bill. 

In a March 7 press release, Rep. Jim Kofalt, R-Wilton, senior adviser to House Speaker Sherman Packard, said, “Contrary to the fearmongering we have heard from the bill’s opponents, it will have zero effect on the cost and availability of vaccines. What it will do is make government more accountable to New Hampshire taxpayers, who are currently footing the bill for a costly program run by a quasi-governmental organization.” 

Experts who spoke with the Granite State News Collaborative said that’s a fundamental misunderstanding of the N.H. Vaccine Association. 

“There's a misconception that this is costing the state money, and it’s not,” Miller said. 

Some lawmakers have raised concerns about transparency, but Miller said the vaccine association has addressed those in recent testimony and has always been entirely transparent. 

“The website has every document that we’ve ever created,” he said. 

Nagel, one of the Republican lawmakers who voted against the bill, said any concerns he had about transparency were addressed in a different bill, which he supported. 

“The people who have opposed [the vaccine association] have never given a good argument to what the problem is,” he said. 

Nagel was recently removed from his post on the House Health, Human Services and Elderly Affairs Committee in part, he says, because of his stance on vaccines and other health-related issues. He said he needs to prioritize his knowledge as a physician over party lines.

“People taking on legislation … that have virtually no expertise in this area, that aren’t willing to listen to the people who have the expertise – that’s a problem,” he said. “As a physician, I’m really struck with how often the Legislature wants to tell me how to do my job. And what’s really concerning to me, increasingly, is they’re not willing to listen to me explain to them … what the unintended consequences [of legislation] will be.”

Health care workers, including Kim, Nagel, Kraft and Jennison, said those unintended consequences of removing the vaccine association could include higher health care costs and more Granite Staters with preventable disease. The full economic consequences could be seen a decade or more down the road, as hospital systems in the state face increased costs of caring for unvaccinated individuals, Jennison said. 

That’s why there’s such strong bipartisan support for the N.H. Vaccine Association among people who understand its function, they say. 

“This vaccine association highlights the best parts of New Hampshire,” Kraft said. “It’s innovative. It puts that Yankee ingenuity into effect, and it’s incredibly effective.”

These articles are being shared by partners in the Granite State News Collaborative. For more information, visitcollaborativenh.org.

Judicial branch takes big step toward addressing system’s response to mental illness

Three-year process of mapping potential changes nears an end, but work still remains

By Aimee Rothman, Granite State News Collaborative

Across the Granite State, jails and prisons have become overcrowded and overstaffed, in part due to the rising rate of incarceration, intensified by recidivism that the state has experienced over the last several decades. 

Since 2020, New Hampshire’s jail population has grown 23%, while the state prison population has grown 7%. But, measured since the 1970s and 1980s, the jail population has grown 448% and the prison population in New Hampshire has grown 432%. 

To address that growth in the jail and prison populations — and since a substantial number of those incarcerated are living with a mental illness or substance abuse issues — the N.H. Judicial Branch is looking at how to improve both its and the community’s response to people with mental illness. (A 2008 National Alliance on Mental Illness-NH report found that 40% of incarcerated males and 70% of incarcerated females were living with a mental illness.)

For the past three years, a mental health team formed by the judicial system has been holding workshops county by county using the System Intercept Model, or SIM, to track each interaction or intersection between people experiencing mental illness or substance abuse and the judicial system. The goal is to use the data to bring about community-based changes in the system.

The idea of community-based change in the treatment of people struggling with behavioral and mental health problems is not a new one. 

In 1963, President John F. Kennedy signed his final piece of legislation, the Community Mental Health Act, a monumental law that spearheaded a change in the country’s response to behavioral and mental health issues. With it, the United States made a shift toward community-based care rather than the institutionalization of people struggling with mental health and behavioral health issues. 

Elaine Michaud of the Manchester Health Department helps facilitate a SIM workshop at Elliot Hospital on Jan. 17, 2024. (Courtesy N.H. Judicial Branch)

The new legislation was paired with the establishment of community mental health centers across the nation.

Today, over 2,500 of these centers exist in the United States, including 10 in New Hampshire. Even so, the country and the state still report a high rate of institutionalization of people struggling with these issues. But they are not institutionalized at state-sanctioned asylums anymore; instead, they are often placed in jail and prison cells. 

The National Alliance of Mental Illness reports that nearly two in five people who are placed in jail have reported a history of mental illness. Nationally, NAMI reports that 37% of incarcerated people in federal prisons report a history of mental illness, and the number is about 44% in local jails. 

As more and more incarcerated people are struggling with mental health and behavioral health issues, NAMI has found that jails and prisons have effectively become “de facto mental health facilities.”

That understanding has become widespread. A 2022 poll for the American Psychiatric Association found that only 20% of people being held in U.S. prisons and jails were getting the mental health care they need. Rebecca W. Brendel, president of the psychiatric association, said at the time that “Americans are recognizing the longstanding reality that our jails and prisons have become the largest mental health provider in the country and that people in the criminal justice system need treatment and support.”

Addressing institutionalization

While it has been over 60 years since Kennedy signed the Community Health Act, there is still work to be done, according to Susan Stearns, executive director of NAMI-NH.  “The vision for community-based services was not realized and the investment in community-based care was not continued,” she said.

“The act was intended to bring people out of institutions,” she said, with the goal of “providing those community-based services locally so they could live a full life within their community without needing to be institutionalized.” But, she said, the number of people with mental health issues being placed in jails or prisons is “very similar to the number of folks being institutionalized back then.”

The Sequential Intercept Model is made up of six intercepts where people with mental health or substance abuse issues may come into contact with the judicial system. (Courtesy N.H. Judicial Branch)

“We do indeed know that we have a significant number of people who are in our corrections facilities who have mental health and substance disorders,” Stearns said. And, after their release, “it can be very challenging to access treatment services, let alone in a very quick turnaround,” within their communities. 

So, too often, “their symptoms or their treatment would lapse, whether it be mental health treatment or substance abuse treatment, and they would once again become involved in the justice system,” Stearns said.

In 2022, N.H. Supreme Court Chief Justice Gordon J. MacDonald and Dianne Martin, director of the Administrative Office of the Courts, assembled a multidisciplinary mental health team focused on tracking the intersection of mental health and the judicial system. 

That team established three goals: to hold a statewide mental health summit, to survey judicial branch employees about the treatment of people with mental health or substance abuse issues that may come into the judicial system, and to conduct SIM mapping workshops of each of the state’s 10 counties. 

That SIM mapping, according to the federal Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, “details how individuals with mental and substance use disorders come into contact with and move through the criminal justice system.” It also “helps communities identify resources and gaps in services at each intercept and develop local strategic action plans.”

The idea, the agency said, is to bring together leaders, agencies and systems “to work together to identify strategies to divert people with mental and substance use disorders away from the justice system into treatment.”

The SIM model notes six points, or intercepts, at which people with mental health or substance abuse issues may come into contact with the judicial system:

• Community services, such as crisis helplines.

• Law enforcement.

• Initial detention and/or initial court hearings.

• Jail and/or courts, including specialty courts such as mental health courts.

• Reentry after release from jail.

• Community corrections, such as parole or probation. E

While the 1963 Community Health Act aimed to deinstitutionalize people with behavioral and mental health issues, says Susan Stearns, executive director of NAMI-NH, the number of people with mental health issues who are being placed in jails or prisons is “very similar to the number of folks being institutionalized back then.” (Courtesy photo)

Essentially, the model follows each step of the judicial system, looking at how changes could be made at each step to better serve people with mental health or substance abuse issues.

By studying each intercept, the state can identify “gaps” in the judicial system, where there is room to add new resources and improve existing ones. By improving interactions at each intersection, the state hopes to reduce the number of people incarcerated. 

SIM workshops

The state held its first SIM workshop in Merrimack County in April 2023, with a forum led by Chief Justice MacDonald and Martin.

At the gathering, Martin spoke to the importance of the initiative, highlighting the need for mental health awareness and resources. 

“Every one of us is touched in some way by mental illness — in a friend, a family member, a colleague, or ourselves,” she said. “Those working in the court system are touched by individuals experiencing mental illness, people in crisis, and people experiencing trauma, who come into our courts every day. We all recognize we need to do better for them. But we cannot do it alone. This change requires education, training, access to treatment and, most importantly, collaboration across the state.”

Since then, SIM workshops have been held in all 10 of the state’s counties, said Rachael Azotea-Bolstridge, mental health and wellness coordinator of the judicial branch. After each workshop, Azotea-Bolstridge publishes a report highlighting the findings. The results for two counties — Sullivan and Rockingham counties — have not yet been published, but Azotea-Bolstridge expects that to happen by April.

The reports, such as the one from Belknap County, highlight gaps and potential areas of growth in the community, and include a list of resources available in the community. For instance, the Belknap County report noted that the county has no mental health court, which was identified as a “gap.” The county also identified a need for transitional housing for people being released from jail, and additional resources for them.

At each workshop, participants highlighted  “achievable goals which could happen in the near future” and formed breakout groups that focused on ways to achieve that goal, Azotea-Bolstridge said. The most common goal recognized among all of the breakout groups was addressing a shortage of behavioral workers.

The workshops launched a continuing process, as each breakout group worked toward achieving its goals. Azotea-Bolstridge holds a three-month check-in session with the entire group so each focus group can report on its progress and the whole group can collaborate on other ideas. 

Supreme Court Chief Justice Gordon MacDonald chairs the N.H. Judicial Branch’s mental health team. (Courtesy photo)

Azotea-Bolstridge continues to host the check-ins, which she sees as an “opportunity for people to refocus and report out. She plans to keep them going “until they are no longer needed.” 

So far, only one county, Cheshire County, has concluded its check-in sessions.

Bringing the groups back together

Azotea-Bolstridge plans to host a virtual session in April, at which each county can share details of its work, trade ideas with other counties, and keep each other on track with their overall goals. 

A big question from a lot of people attending the workshops has been:”How are other towns doing it?” she said. 

If the April session goes well, “we’ll probably do it for the other large commonly shared issues,” Azotea-Bolstridge said.

As preliminary data from the workshops comes in, however, one thing is clear: The greater community must be involved to bring about changes in the judicial system. 

“I think the biggest impact [of the SIM workshops] is going to be legislative change, whether that’s on the state level or more of the community level,” Azotea-Bolstridge said.

In the end, the breakout groups are working to create solutions tailored to each county. “Every community comes up with different ways to resolve problems in their community,” Azotea-Bolstridge said. 

Looking to the future of the judicial system in New Hampshire, Stearns said the road ahead is still long. “We have laid some really good foundations with the SIM mapping,” she said, “but where do we take that work?”

These articles are being shared by partners in the Granite State News Collaborative. For more information, visitcollaborativenh.org.

(column) Tech Billionaire vs. The Hungry: Why Elon Musk’s Aid Cuts Matter to NH and Beyond

By Shamecca Brown, Columnist, Granite State News Collaborative

I was stunned. My 15-year-old daughter, a 10th grader, came home from school and said, “Ma, the kids in my high school are not feelin’ Elon Musk.” 

That’s not something you hear every day. Teenagers usually talk about music, sports or social media trends, not billionaires and foreign aid. But here in New Hampshire, even young people are paying attention to the controversy surrounding Elon’s latest move: slashing U.S. foreign aid programs, leaving millions of people, especially in Africa, without food and medical assistance.

And that wasn’t the only thing on her mind. My daughter is an ally for the LGBTQ+ community in her school, and she was livid when she found out Elon has basically disowned his transgender daughter, Vivian, who is 20. “How do you turn your back on your own kid?” she asked me. “And now he’s cutting off food to people who need it? That’s wild.”

People in New Hampshire might not think this affects them, but the truth is, it does. We live in a state where community matters, where we take care of our neighbors. If one of us were struggling, we’d show up. So why is it okay for the richest man in the world to decide that millions of people, mostly Black and brown, don’t deserve the same kind of help?

It makes me sad, and honestly, it worries me at the same time. Money, power, respect–what is this really about? Is this what we’ve come to? Cutting people off when they’re in desperate need? This isn’t business; it’s corruption, plain and simple.

Now let’s talk about the real-world consequences of Elon's decision. Because while Elon can sit comfortably in his mansions, those who rely on U.S. foreign aid can’t escape the impact of his cuts. 

Closer to home, the recent DOGE cuts are affecting my work supporting domestic violence victims. My organization relies heavily on federal grants. These funding reductions directly impact our capacity to provide quality services that benefit our communities of Manchester. Without this funding, it’s becoming harder for us, and other organizations, to provide essential services like housing assistance, food security and support for families in crisis. 

Millions of lives are at risk because of these actions. For countries in Africa, where hunger and disease are already rampant, USAID has been a lifeline. Programs that provide food, medicine and educational support are now being slashed. In countries like Liberia, Congo and Somalia, these cuts are more than just an inconvenience, they are a death sentence for countless people who have no other means of survival, according to reporting from The New York Times. 

In New Hampshire, people might not die, but they could go hungry. It’s hard for me to even imagine a life without food. I’ve never had to wake up wondering where my next meal would come from. But I see it every day with my clients, people and families struggling to survive. 

We are all working to counter the challenges that Elon Musk’s cuts are creating. It's hitting our community hard, leaving vulnerable families with fewer resources, putting more pressure on local nonprofits, and making it even tougher for people to get the help they need. 

What if Elon Musk really does have that much power? What happens when someone like him can make decisions that affect millions of lives, and there’s no one to stop him? If he can pull the plug on food for entire countries, what’s next for us? How long before decisions like these start impacting us?

I refuse to live in a world where the rich get richer, and the rest of us are left to fend for ourselves. 

I want to talk to my New Hampshire people, not just as someone working in this field, but as a person who sees the struggle every day. I see the families who don’t know where their next meal is coming from. I see parents trying to hold it together while worrying about rent, childcare and basic needs. I see the organizations, just like mine, stretched to the limit, trying to do more with less. And now, with these cuts, things are only getting harder.

This isn’t just a problem for a few, it’s a problem for all of us. When services disappear, when safety nets break, when funding is stripped away, it creates a ripple effect. Families suffer, children go without and communities weaken. 

If we don’t step up, who will? I’m asking: what can we do together? How can we make sure our neighbors aren’t left behind? We can speak up, demand better from our leaders, and push for funding that keeps people afloat. We can support the nonprofits doing this work by donating, volunteering or simply spreading awareness. 

We can show up for each other, because at the end of the day, that’s what community is about.This affects all of us. And together, we can do something about it.

Shamecca Brown,  is a New Hampshire-based columnist who is family-oriented and passionate about serving underserved communities.

These articles are being shared by partners in the Granite State News Collaborative. For more information, visitcollaborativenh.org.

As measles resurfaces, how concerned should New Hampshire be?

The World Health Organization once declared measles eradicated in the United States, but lately the disease has made a resurgence. The latest outbreak is in West Texas and New Mexico — so far, there are over 300 reported cases and two deaths, though experts fear many other cases haven’t been reported. What’s going on? Should we be worried in New Hampshire? On this episode of “The State We’re In,” Melanie Plenda discusses talks with Dr. Gabriela Andujar Vazquez, hospital epidemiologist at Dartmouth Health’s Dartmouth-Hitchcock Medical Center.

By Rosemary Ford and Caitlin Agnew

This article has been edited for length and clarity.

Melanie Plenda:

Doctor, why are we seeing a resurgence in measles cases?

Dr. Gabriela Andujar Vazquez:

Even before the COVID-19 pandemic, we had started seeing, nationally, a decrease in our vaccination rates, and mainly childhood vaccinations. During the pandemic, that worsened and the rates nationally started decreasing below the 95% threshold where we like to see vaccination rates to be in order to create herd immunity so the community is protected. What we're seeing with measles — which is among one of the vaccine-preventable diseases — is that it mainly is being driven by those declining rates of vaccination.

Melanie Plenda:

What does measles look like? What are the symptoms, and when should you seek medical help?

Dr. Gabriela Andujar Vazquez:

Measles starts with a high, high fever. The struggle is that this particular virus mimics, or is similar to, other childhood illnesses — a fever and rash. Parents experience that a lot. But, it will start with a very high fever, usually up to 105 Fahrenheit, and then four to five days after, you can break into a rash. Usually it starts in the face, and then it spreads through the whole body. People get a cough, runny nose and the eyes become a little bit red.

Call your pediatrician when they're having that high fever because there are severe complications. There are health implications, especially for children, when they get measles.

Melanie Plenda:

Why is what’s happening in Texas and New Mexico concerning? 

Dr. Gabriela Andujar Vazquez:

The outbreak is not controlled yet. We have pockets right in the United States where the rates of vaccination may be lower than the national levels. In West Texas, the particular community where the outbreak started, vaccination rates for children were in the low 80s. The outbreak that's happening in New Mexico is a consequence of the West Texas outbreak. There was a pocket of a community there that was also vulnerable, because their vaccination rates were low. 

Melanie Plenda:

What’s the likelihood of this outbreak or others spreading? 

Dr. Gabriela Andujar Vazquez:

We know that within New Hampshire and Vermont, there are areas where vaccination rates overall are lower than what we want them to be to protect the community. Every state, I think, has been struggling with this. I think in New Hampshire, we are likely to see cases in the future. Hopefully, those come in a cluster, and we can contain them quickly and it doesn’t spread, but we are definitely vulnerable for identifying or getting outbreaks here as well.

Melanie Plenda:

What would happen if the measles spread to New Hampshire? Is the state prepared?

Dr. Gabriela Andujar Vazquez:

In 2024, there was a measles case identified in the summer, and that was actually pretty well contained, with the collaboration between Dartmouth Health and the Department Health and Human Services in New Hampshire. I think every state, including New Hampshire, is prepared to contain an outbreak. 

I would say that once we identify those cases, the key thing for the community to know is if you're sick and you think you may have measles is to wear a mask. That helps contain the spread. It produces source control, so we don't infect others while we're sick, and figuring out if we actually have measles.

Vaccination is the other key — making sure that we're up to date on that too, and if we don’t know to ask questions to your doctors. “Am I really protected? Should I be getting another dose of a vaccine?” So I think those conversations need to happen amongst us to protect our community and those most vulnerable — people that will not be able to get vaccinated.

Melanie Plenda:

Tell us about New Hampshire’s vaccination rates for measles. Is it high enough? 

Dr. Gabriela Andujar Vazquez:

Unfortunately, it’s not. Based on data from the 2023-24 school year . across all vaccines that are recommended for children going into kindergarten we're around 89% — so we're 5% below of what we would ideally want. That's across the state of New Hampshire. There's probably areas where that may vary, where maybe some vaccination rates are higher and some are lower, and that may vary also based on vaccine.

Melanie Plenda:

How safe is the vaccine? Should any certain area of the population be more concerned or be taking more steps for safety?

Dr. Gabriela Andujar Vazquez:

The vaccine was introduced in 1963 — the vaccine that we actually give now was revamped in 1972. Individuals who were born before 1957 were in a state where they were either probably had measles and are thought to be immune because of natural illness because there were multiple measles outbreaks constantly. Usually, if you're born before that date, you should be good — you should be protected.

When you're born between 1963 and 1967, there was a measles vaccine, but that vaccine was later found to not be as effective as the one that we give now.because it was a killed virus vaccine, not like the live attenuated vaccine of today, which is a little bit more effective in producing immunity.  So individuals born between 1963 and 1967 are recommended to get at least one dose of the current vaccine.

After that, if you’ve got your two doses of your childhood vaccination of MMR, you should be protected. There are obviously different conversations that can happen based on your individual risk — medical conditions or things that change over time, and I would encourage those patients to talk to their doctor about. But overall, we can confidently say that if you got your two doses, you're protected for life.

Melanie Plenda:

Does the vaccination prevent you from getting the virus?

Dr. Gabriela Andujar Vazquez:

Yes, absolutely. One  dose is 93% effective, and a second dose is 97%. What that means is that your individual risk of contracting measles is reduced by 97% if you get exposed to measles.

Melanie Plenda:

What about the cost of the measles vaccine? 

Dr. Gabriela Andujar Vazquez:

In the United States, each state has a vaccination program. In New Hampshire, we have a vaccination program basically called New Hampshire Vaccine Group. What that group does is purchase, basically, vaccines that are recommended for children, and they provide the vaccine to all children at no cost, regardless of whether they have insurance or not, whether they are able to pay or not. So for children, it is completely free, right off the bat, in basically all of the states in the United States. For adults, it is covered, but usually through insurance.

Melanie Plenda:

Are there other outbreaks or causes of concern that you are watching right now? 

Dr. Gabriela Andujar Vazquez:

Right now, measles has been taking up a lot of the past couple of weeks, because it's been ongoing, and we're worried that it's still probably a lot of work to be done. There's also been a lot of talk around avian flu and the concerns around how much or how little that may affect human transmission. So far, a lot of the cases across the country have been related to occupation — individuals who work with poultry or cattle and get exposed to a sick animal.

But we have had avian influenza in our flocks for many years. It's not like it's new, but I think we're seeing that it's mutating in a way that it's affecting maybe more of the animals than it used to. 

Another thing that comes and goes every five years is norovirus — a virus that causes gastrointestinal problems, like vomiting and diarrhea. It actually starts around spring to pick up, and it seems like it's going to be something that we need to watch for.

Melanie Plenda:

What’s your advice for those who are concerned about this or other outbreaks?

Dr. Gabriela Andujar Vazquez:

It’s basically just asking questions – keeping ourselves informed and having good resources for reliable information. We want to make sure that people are well informed, but with evidence and not necessarily things that may not have not been proven and alarm people unnecessarily. Having conversations personally with your healthcare provider should be a trusted source, then just talking about concerns and sort of fielding those questions to the appropriate experts.

Melanie Plenda:

Dr. Gabriela Andujar Vazquez, hospital epidemiologist at Dartmouth Health’s Dartmouth Hitchcock Medical Center, thank you for joining us today.

“The State We’re In” is a weekly digital public affairs show produced by NH PBS and The Marlin Fitzwater Center for Communication at Franklin Pierce University. It is shared with partners in the Granite State News Collaborative, of which both organizations are members.

These articles are being shared by partners in the Granite State News Collaborative. For more information, visit collaborativenh.org.

The language of music, the power of dance

By Shamecca Brown, Columnist, Granite State News Collaborative

My grandmother used to call me a crybaby, but she always added, “Put some music on, and she’ll dance.” And she was right. 

Growing up in Queens, New York, music and dance were everywhere in my world. I’d see people battling on the streets, dancing in the parks, or performing for money in train stations. I was drawn to movement like a magnet. I danced every chance I got, and talent shows became my stage throughout school.

But life has a way of shifting your stage. Fast forward, and here I am, living in Concord, a world apart from the vibrant streets of Queens. I was 28 years old when I moved here with my 12 year old daughter and 5 year old son in 2005. I wanted to get out of New York for a bit, but the transition wasn’t easy. New Hampshire lacked the diversity I grew up with. 

And yet, I’ve found that dance–the same community building tool from my childhood–works just as well in Concord as it does in Queens.

I got a job as a paraprofessional at the local middle school, and one day I noticed something that didn’t sit well with me. The students sat at lunch in groups divided by race, culture and cliques. It reminded me of a silent dance, but not the kind I was used to. This one lacked rhythm, connection and harmony.

I couldn’t let that continue. I wrote a proposal to the principal to create a hip-hop dance program. My vision was simple but powerful: use dance as a bridge to help students learn about each other’s cultures, gain confidence and express themselves. To my excitement, the principal granted my request, and Vibes of Style was born in 2007. 

The kids used to joke, “You get famous in the basement!” And they weren’t wrong: I taught dance out of my basement, not some fancy studio. But I always told them, “It’s not the studio that teaches you, it’s the teacher and the passion.” That’s what matters most.

Over the years, my unfinished basement became a melting pot of cultures and stories. The floor was concrete and there was no ceiling, just beams with light fixtures. There was no heat, but the kids warmed it up well once they started dancing. 

After a few fundraisers, I covered the floors with rubber gym tiles, mounted mirrors all around the walls, and covered the beams with blues sheets of fabric. I added party lights and pictures of dancers cut out from magazines as a collage. 

I had African kids, Nepali kids, white kids, kids with disabilities, kids with behavioral disorders, every kind of kid you could imagine. It didn’t matter where they came from or what they looked like. All that mattered was that we spoke the same language, and that language was dance.

I’ve always said, “Dance has no color.” And I live by that. There’s nothing like watching a child walk in unsure of themselves, not knowing the music or the moves, then leaving transformed, confident and connected. Dance has a way of breaking down barriers and building bridges.

The parents of my students trusted me and I was finally feeling like I belonged. I made it a point to show the students my world, my real life, teaching them about things happening in the world around them. I’m not afraid to put out dances that truly mean something, dances rooted in Black history or powerful messages inspired by meaningful words. Dance is more than entertainment; it’s a platform to tell stories and spark change. 

I remember each and every child that ever danced with me, even if it was just to try it out, more than 500 of them between 2007 and 2019. I created a space where every kid felt seen, heard and celebrated. Because at the end of the day, dance isn’t just movement, it’s life, culture and expression. 

My dancers and I performed for assisted living homes, businesses, birthday parties and weddings. We weren’t just performing; we were representing. From local parades to features on NH radio stations, we showed that dance had no boundaries. We mixed folk dances, Black history routines, hip hop, ballet and even majorette styles. It wasn’t just about steps, it was about storytelling, connection and celebrating who we are.

Together, we built a language of confidence, courage and self-expression. We moved together, learning life lessons, building respect, and finding joy in the rhythm of life.

And the best part? Seeing these kids light up when they realized what they were capable of. Dance teaches us that the impossible is possible, and that’s a lesson in itself.

I’ll keep dancing, teaching and changing lives, one step at a time.

Shamecca Brown,  is a New Hampshire-based columnist who is family-oriented and passionate about serving underserved communities.

Shamecca Brown, a proud New Yorker, is family-oriented and passionate about serving underserved communities.

These articles are being shared by partners in the Granite State News Collaborative. For more information, visit collaborativenh.org.

In a nation built by Immigrants, why is it so hard to be one?

Immigration was a hot-button issue in the last national election, and since President Donald Trump took office, it’s become even more prominent. Headlines regularly discuss raids by Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE, rounding up undocumented immigrants. Tens of thousands have been arrested in the last few weeks and await deportation. Meanwhile, sanctuary cities have come under attack and face the threat of the federal government withholding promised funding. What does this all mean for New Hampshire residents? Here to discuss that is Eva Castillo, director of the N.H. Alliance for Immigrants and Refugees, or Welcoming New Hampshire. 

By Rosemary Ford and Caitlin Agnew

This article has been edited for length and clarity.

Melanie Plenda:

Eva, please tell us about your work with immigrants and refugees. How long has it been going on, and how did you get involved? 

Eva Castillo: 

I got involved in the late 70s, when I first moved to the U.S. as a student, and then I realized the different treatment that we got from just regular people. I wasn't even planning on immigrating here, but this is all I've ever done since the ‘70s, and I became a resident in the ‘80s.

I worked at the now defunct Latin American Center in the ‘80s, and I noticed that concentrating on services is not going to make any difference, like putting a Band-Aid on a gangrene-infected wound. So I started doing advocacy and policy, and in 2007 I was hired by the Massachusetts Immigrant and Refugee Advocacy Coalition. They created this program, the New Hampshire Alliance for Immigrants and Refugees, because there were nobody — and still, to this day, there's nobody — whose only job is to advocate for immigrants. We have social justice organizations, and they can pick and choose immigration as one of their issues, but I only do immigration.

Melanie Plenda:

What is the work you do at the New Hampshire Alliance for Immigrants and Refugees? 

Eva Castillo:

Right now, we're working on legislation, but we build community and we build positive relationships that make things easier for immigrants and refugees to integrate into society. We do leadership training with community organizing, tons of advocacy and just building relationships.

Melanie Plenda:

When we talk about immigrants, we often use terms like “documented” and “undocumented.’ For our audience, can you explain what those terms mean? 

Eva Castillo:

Documented immigrants are people that are here legally. They can be students, they can be tourists, they can be people with work visas. They can be naturalized citizens or legal permanent residents. Undocumented people are those people that just came through the borders without inspection, or a very common occurrence is the people that came here on some type of visa and overstayed. It’s very common for students, for example, to overstay their visas, and also for tourists.

Melanie Plenda:

During the last presidential election, immigration was a hot topic. How did that impact the local community? 

Eva Castillo:

Well, it really became frustrating because both parties use immigration as a punching bag to divert attention from the stuff that really matters to the regular public, even here locally.

I don't see why our local candidates have to run on anti-immigrant platforms. I have been asking people, “Is immigration such a problem for you?” And everybody says they care about housing and about jobs or they want a place that provides drug rehab. Immigration is not on their radar, so we are diverting the attention from the things that really matter to your average New Hampshire person and spending money that should go to more positive things.

The fact that they refer to us as criminals and drug dealers — that doesn’t do a service to anybody, because most of the people that are here are just regular, good people that are here just trying to give their families a better chance, and they're contributing as members of our society. 

It is a fact that undocumented immigrants commit way less crimes than anybody. When you hear every time that an immigrant commits a crime or does something wrong, then it gets blown up in the newspapers, in the media. But I never heard anybody saying a French Canadian or an Irishman did this, and that gives a bad impression to the rest of the residents of the state, and that puts targets on our backs because we're all judged by the very few people that are, that are doing the wrong thing.

Melanie Plenda:

What are some of the concerns out there, when the rhetoric heats up like this?

Eva Castillo:

That someday they are going to get violence with us. In fact, I was just left a nasty message on my phone the other day by an anonymous caller. At least I have the guts and the integrity to put my name behind my words. Some just call me names and tell me, “I hope you get deported, I hope you die.” This is not the first time, and it won't be the last time, but it is just a matter of time before somebody really takes it upon themselves to hurt one of us, because we do not walk around with our passport tattooed on our forehead. 

So, if you sound like me, or if you look like the stereotype of the immigrant — which is, by the way, not a white person — then you're in danger. I have calls from parents of U.S. citizens that are brown teenagers, and they say, how can my kid prove that he's a citizen? How do I protect my child? It is so painful, and at the same time it is upsetting that a mother has to worry about proving and doing something to prove that their kids have the right to live in this country when they've been born here.

Melanie Plenda:

I know it’s hard to generalize, but since President Trump took office, what’s been going on in the local immigrant and refugee community? How are they feeling? How do they feel treated?

Eva Castillo:

Again, we have seen an uptick in just nastiness towards us, and people are afraid. They are not going to the places that they used to go to. They try not to go out shopping too much. Some parents don't even want to send their children to school. The small businesses are being affected also, because their clients, their customers, don't show up.

I was talking to one of my friends who has a bodega. She said that at the end of the day, I have to throw half the food away because nobody no one comes. Another friend of mine has a barber shop, and she says that she is going to have to close her barber shop that she had for 20 years because people don't come. 

So we're affecting people that are here legally, that are U.S. citizens. We're affecting everybody. It's not only the people that live in fear. And then the kids — they don't deserve to live in fear. They don't deserve to have this stress on them. It's affecting their mental health and their well being too.

Melanie Plenda:

You mentioned the fear, what are people doing to cope?

Eva Castillo:

I go around, and I teach people their rights. I talk to them and tell them not to fear and to trust that somehow things are going to get better someday. But even myself, I spent many nights just going to bed crying because there's not much I can do. I feel totally powerless.

These are people that I have known for 20 years or more, that I know are good people. I'm not around protecting criminals. This is my community too, so I don't want criminals regardless of where they come from. I don't want them living in my community. Every time they pick somebody that's a good person that I know that is just trying to do the right thing, and there's just no way for them to make it right in the way this dysfunctional system works, it really hurts me. So I cannot imagine if I am like this, how hard it is for those people that are families of mixed status. We have tons of mixed-status families living under one roof, so everybody's affected.

Melanie Plenda:

What is the alliance doing about all this? 

Eva Castillo:

Well, I just give my support to people when they call me. Every weekend I go someplace, or every night I go someplace to give a “Know Your Rights” program. We have groups of people trying to provide support to the families that are left behind. There's another group of people that’s trying to find ICE activity, to verify that it is there instead of just spreading false news. That just increases the paranoia and the fear. We have groups of people just trying to talk to legislators locally to see if we can at least mitigate some of the harm or get people to understand that this is not the way. We really need to pass some type of reform that cleans up the old system and starts from scratch to make things easier. And we need to do something about the millions of people that are already here.

Melanie Plenda:

What other ideas do you have for solving this issue?

Eva Castillo:

We need our congresspeople to really grow some spine and do the right thing and stop using us — and I'm talking about both parties. Stop playing ping pong with the lives of immigrants, with the lives of people, and just revamp and pass some type of law that really solves this issue once and for all.

I have spent at least 25 years, if not more, begging our legislators on both sides. Please do something. We need to restate the fact that we're not talking about numbers here. We're talking about people, and we have really defaced immigrants. We have really dehumanized them to the point that people don't even have any compassion, or they don't feel anything because it's all about numbers. We're talking about families — mothers, children, fathers, elderly. Let's put humanity back in immigration.

Melanie Plenda:

Thank you so much for sharing these insights. Eva Castillo, director of the New Hampshire Alliance for Immigrants and Refugees, thank you for joining us today.

“The State We’re In” is a weekly digital public affairs show produced by NH PBS and The Marlin Fitzwater Center for Communication at Franklin Pierce University. It is shared with partners in the Granite State News Collaborative, of which both organizations are members. These articles are being shared by partners in the Granite State News Collaborative. For more information, visit collaborativenh.org.

N.H. House favors statewide school spending cap, though voters reject caps locally

The bill, passed Thursday, would limit how much any district can increase spending, based on the current budget. Critics say it would lock in inequities

By Kelly Burch, Granite State News Collaborative

The N.H. House of Representatives voted Thursday (March 13) to pass a bill that would impose statewide school spending caps, though voters in at least eight districts across the state have rejected spending caps at the local level. 

“At its heart, this is a state mandate that would take away the ability of a local community to control how they wanted to make their own spending decision on their school districts,” said Zack Sheehan, executive director of the N.H. School Funding Fairness Project, a grassroots organization focused on equity in school funding and taxes. 

The bill, HB 675, which passed with a 190-185 vote, would limit a school district’s ability to increase its budget. While the calculations are complex, they essentially amount to about a maximum increase of about 2.5 percent annually, Sheehan said. To override that limitation, districts would need two-thirds approval from voters. 

The bill now moves on to the House Finance Committee.

The legislation is “probably one of the biggest and most consequential bills I’ve seen in a long time,” said Christina Pretorius, policy director at Reaching Higher NH, a nonpartisan nonprofit focused on education in the Granite State. In part, that’s because it seems to go against the will of voters, she said.

A new state law that took effect in October allows local residents to propose a budget cap for their school districts. Residents in at least nine districts — ConVal, Epping, Epsom, Hollis Brookline, Kearsarge, Salem, Weare and Haverhill — have done that. Eight districts have voted on the caps, and all rejected them, N.H. Public Radio reports. (Haverhill will vote March 15.)

After Kearsarge voters rejected a budget cap, House Majority Leader Jason Osborne, R-Rockingham, told the New Hampshire Journal, “Perhaps, if [local voters] are unwilling to cap themselves, the state will step in and cap local taxes for them.” Osborne is one of two sponsors of HB 675. 

That sentiment is concerning to Pretorius. “They can’t pass these arbitrary caps at the local level, so they’re mandating it at the state level,” she said.

The concern about property tax increases is widespread and tied to school funding, since local taxes cover about 70 percent of the school budgets in New Hampshire districts. Yet voters have repeatedly rejected spending caps, while calling on the state government to better fund education, Pretorius said. 

“They’ve been saying, we don’t want your budget caps; what we want is the state to support public education, and that’s what’s going to lower our property taxes,” she said.

The spending limit in HB 675 "freezes in time all the current inequities” between school districts, Sheehan said. While some districts may currently have enough funding, districts that have a smaller budget would be unable to substantially increase those budgets, he said. 

“What if Newport, a struggling school district, got a chunk of money from a foundation or business that wanted to invest?” Sheehan said. “They literally would not be able to accept that if it went over this cap.”

If a district had a sudden increase in special education expenses, he added, it might need to cut programs such as sports, arts, and Advanced Placement classes to stay within the spending cap.

Megan Tuttle, president of NEA-New Hampshire, the state’s largest teachers union, said that the statewide cap would be “an offense to the will of voters and completely disregards the majority of Granite Staters who support their local public schools and believe every student deserves access to a quality education, regardless of their ZIP code.”

Educators share concerns about rising property taxes, Tuttle said, but they’re calling on the state to fully fund education, rather than putting the burden on local communities or setting spending limits. 

“Make no mistake about it: Instead of fixing our state’s broken public education funding system, HB 675 will lock in the existing disparities around our state and make it very difficult for districts that are already underfunded to make up ground,” she said.

Also on Thursday, both the House and Senate passed bills that would make Educational Freedom Accounts, commonly known as school vouchers, available to all eligible Granite Staters, regardless of income. The vouchers provide an average of $4,600 per student for families to use toward private school tuition or homeschool expenses. Universal eligibility would cost the state about $102 million during the 2025-26 school year, according to Reaching Higher NH.

“Instead of addressing the root issue of rising property taxes — an inequitable public school funding system — the [House and Senate] voted to expand the school voucher program to the wealthiest families in the state,” Pretorius said. 

These articles are being shared by partners in the Granite State News Collaborative. For more information, visitcollaborativenh.org.

How to participate and take action in your local government

Last week we delved into what town meetings are about, alongside their role in local journalism. This week we continue to explore the intricacies of annual town meetings and town meeting elections. How can you get involved? Where can you get information? On this episode of “The State We’re In,” New Hampshire Secretary of State David Scanlan helps us find out how the average person can participate and take decisive action in their local community. 

By Rosemary Ford and Caitlin Agnew

Melanie Plenda:

First, let's take a step back. For our audience who may be unfamiliar with them, how did town meetings begin? How have they changed and evolved?

David Scanlan:

Well, town meeting is rooted from our colonial past, and when the settlers came over to this continent and they started to congregate and form townships and communities, there had to be a way for the people in those communities to make decisions about how they were going to handle the affairs of the community. That's basically how town meetings got started. It became a formal process because there had to be some ground rules on how meetings would take place. 

Melanie Plenda:

Do some New Hampshire towns still have a traditional annual town meeting?

David Scanlan:

Yes, many still have this, mostly the smaller towns, but even some of the larger ones still have a traditional town meeting, and the format is basically the same as it was 300 years ago. I've attended many of those deliberative types of meetings, and they're fascinating. It's great entertainment, if nothing else. But effectively it brings the community together, allows them to discuss important issues to the community and come to a resolution on them. 

Melanie Plenda:

What is the secretary of state’s role in town meetings across New Hampshire? 

David Scanlan:

Well, town meetings are just that. They're there for the local communities and political subdivisions in New Hampshire. The secretary of state really does not have a role in that process, other than there are state statutes that apply to elections generally.

The participants in any election are maintained on the statewide voter registration database. Then there are laws on the books related to electioneering and campaigning and things similar that we're kind of responsible for. The important thing is we act as a resource to the towns on the best way to conduct their elections. What the different roles are of election officials — the moderator, the clerk, supervisors of the checklist — and we're there primarily for support.

Melanie Plenda:

What do residents need to vote? Can they still register?

David Scanlan:

The town meeting is actually in two parts. There is the voting part for officers. The town election is an election. To vote and participate in that election, a person must be on the voter checklist, and towns also have election day registration, so somebody in town who wants to participate that is not registered can do that on the day of the town election.

The requirements have become a little more strict for registration. A voter has to prove four things: identity, age, citizenship and domicile. And when a voter registers, they have to bring documentation that proves each of those qualifications. There's a list on the secretary of state website if voters want to see that. 

The other part of town meeting, then, is the deliberative part, and that is where the voters outside of the election process come together physically in a group. They will take up the articles that are placed on the town warrant. So prior to the deliberative session, there's an opportunity for the selectmen — the governing body of the town — to present the articles that they want to have discussed, like the town budget and other important things. Then there's an opportunity for petition warrant articles, which can be any topic that the members of the community want to discuss. And then that is publicized in advance of the meeting. Only those articles on the warrant can be discussed and acted on at the meeting, and the moderators are responsible for taking those up, one by one — having a debate, making any amendments, voting them up or down, and then moving on to the next article.

Melanie Plenda:

How can a citizen looking to get involved with their local community access information about the annual town meeting and the town election? 

David Scanlan:

In close proximity to the meeting itself, obtain a copy of the town warrant, which is published in a form that is called the annual report. There's a lot of really useful information in there — a lot of it maybe not so useful, but really, really interesting facts about the town. It will have the budget published, so you can see where the town plans to spend money over the next year. All of the articles that are going to be taken up at town meeting will be on the warrant, and many of them publish statistics of how many births there were, how many deaths.There might be ceremonial recognitions for people who have made major contributions to the town. It’s a pretty fascinating document. 

Towns have great participation from the citizens of the town, and it is easy to participate by getting elected to the planning board, the conservation commission, the budget committee, or the cemetery agent. There are many, many elected positions in town government that may interest people, and it is very interesting to serve on those. I've served in many committees at the local level myself, and it's a very, very rewarding experience. It gives you a better understanding of how the town handles its affairs, and you get to meet the other great people that live in your community. 

Melanie Plenda:

Can you tell us a little bit more about what deliberative sessions are and how they relate to town meeting elections, and if someone is able to attend the deliberative session can they still vote?

David Scanlan:

Well, every town meeting has some form of a deliberative component.

In a traditional town meeting, the people that want to participate and vote on the issues show up at the town hall or school gymnasium — wherever the meeting is going to be held. And then it is an opportunity for the voters in that town to express their positions, feelings and concerns about any one of the topics that are going to come up in the form of an article at that meeting. In a traditional town meeting, after the discussion is over and any amendments are made, there is a final vote that's up or down and it becomes the position of the town if they’re passed. If they don’t pass, people can try again the following year. 

In a Senate Bill 2 town, or an official ballot voting town, there is a deliberative session where voters come together again in a single location, and they discuss the issues. They maybe offer amendments, but then when the discussion is finished there is not a final vote taken at that point in time. Instead, the article in its final form is actually placed on the official ballot, on the paper ballot that will be distributed on the day of the election, when the officers of the town are elected. And then the people will get to vote in the voting booth on each one of the articles that was presented. That gives an opportunity for more people to actually participate in the actual final vote of the town because people can show up at the polling place at their convenience during the polling hours and vote on those issues, as opposed to having to set aside two or three hours on a Tuesday night or a Saturday afternoon to attend the town meeting. 

There is no opportunity, really, for remote participation in the deliberative part of town meetings. Part of that is because those articles can be amended, and you really can't vote by absentee, or whatever, on items that might change before the final vote is taken. So at the moment, people have to be physically present at the deliberative session to participate. Now, with the increase in technology, there are probably opportunities that exist now for people to view the actual deliberative session in real time, but there are no opportunities presently that exist that allow people to actually vote remotely on the articles that are being presented.

Melanie Plenda:

What about you? Does your town have an annual town meeting or town meeting election and will you be participating? 

David Scanlan:

My town has a traditional town meeting, both for town and school district affairs, and I do participate in those. They're fascinating to me. It's a study on human nature. It's great to see people that maybe are timid and shy that feel so strongly about an issue that they build the courage to get up and speak — and that's important, and it's important that people feel that they can express their views without intimidation and pressure. And it's the moderator’s job to make sure that the discussion during a deliberative session is controlled to the point that there's no heckling and clapping, and things like that

There can be a lot of drama, and there can be a lot of humor too. I've seen some moderators in the past that have a quick wit and can get the place laughing, and a lot of times that diminishes the tension that sometimes builds on really critical issues that might have strong opposing sides.

Melanie Plenda:

On that note, any final thoughts you want to share with people about town meetings?

David Scanlan:

It is a great process, and I think that those of us that live in New England and in the original 13 colonies are fortunate to have this process that has developed and withstood the test of centuries. It's an amazing process. The further west that you go, the less and less the voters in those places have the same opportunities that we have to have these really great conversations about how the town affairs should be run.

Melanie Plenda:

Thank you New Hampshire Secretary of State David Scanlan. 

“The State We’re In” is a weekly digital public affairs show produced by NH PBS and The Marlin Fitzwater Center for Communication at Franklin Pierce University. It is shared with partners in the Granite State News Collaborative, of which both organizations are members. These articles are being shared by partners in the Granite State News Collaborative. For more information, visit collaborativenh.org.

IINE fields concerns on immigration, detention, mass deportation and humanitarian aid

By Romal Shinwary, Manchester InkLink, Granite State News Collaborative

MANCHESTER, NH – In the wake of sweeping immigration policies enacted under President Donald Trump’s second administration, Henry Harris, Managing Director of the International Institute of New England (IINE) in Manchester, is working to educate and support local immigrant communities. Harris recently met with Afghan refugees at Brookside Church to provide guidance on their rights and the ongoing changes affecting immigration policy.

The meeting with members of the Afghan community was just one of several meetings IINE has been conducting with groups from clients from other countries around the region served by the organization.

“The biggest change we’ve seen is the complete shutdown of the reception and placement program,” Harris explained. “This program helps resettle refugees, and with its suspension, we’re no longer seeing new arrivals.” The policy shift has left families separated, with many who were in transit to the U.S. having their plans abruptly canceled.

Despite the halt in new refugee arrivals, IINE continues to assist those already in the U.S. by offering legal guidance, social services, and employment assistance. A significant focus is ensuring that immigrants understand their rights, particularly in encounters with Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). Harris emphasized that all IINE clients are in the country legally, yet misunderstandings and racial profiling remain concerns.

Henry Harris, Managing Director of International Institute of New England (IINE) Manchester office, presents information to a men’s group of Afghani refugees at Brookside Church, one of several meetings held around the region with groups from various countries who have questions and concerns about U.S. immigration policy changes. Photo/Romal Shinwary

To mitigate risks, IINE distributes “Know Your Rights” cards in multiple languages, including Pashto and Dari, explaining legal protections under the Fourth and Fifth Amendments. Harris stressed that individuals should carry identification and key documents at all times to avoid complications. “We’re making sure our clients know that ICE agents need a warrant signed by a judge to enter their homes,” he said. “Many times, they use administrative paperwork that lacks legal authority, and we don’t want people unknowingly consenting to searches.”

The effect of these policy changes extends beyond individuals to the broader community. IINE had infrastructure in place to welcome new refugees, including housing arrangements, that is now in limbo. Families who were expecting loved ones to join them in early 2025 have been left waiting indefinitely.

While no major incidents involving IINE clients and ICE have been reported, Harris remains vigilant. “We want to ensure that mistakes aren’t made and that our clients are protected,” he said. “The most important thing is for people to stay informed, engaged, and connected to advocacy efforts.”

As immigration policy continues to evolve, IINE remains committed to supporting New Hampshire’s refugee and immigrant communities, providing them with the tools they need to navigate an increasingly uncertain landscape, Harris said.

Carol Robidoux of Ink Link News contributed to this report.

Below: Full interview with Henry Harris, IINE Manchester

https://youtu.be/s712eCvGS48

These articles are being shared by partners in the Granite State News Collaborative. For more information, visitcollaborativenh.org.

Column: As a Black woman, I depend on Target, but I’m still joining the boycott

By Shamecca Brown, Columnist, Granite State News Collaborative

My daughter and I love Target, maybe more than most. As Black women in New Hampshire, Target is one of the few stores in New Hampshire where we can actually find products that cater to us.

But this month, we’re finding ourselves caught between the convenience of our favorite shop, and the values that are most important to us. March 5 marks the start of a 40-day boycott of Target in response to its rollback of its diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) programs. The boycott is spearheaded by Dr. Jamal Bryant, a prominent civil rights leader and head of New Birth Missionary Baptist Church in Stonecrest, Georgia, who called for a boycott during Lent to protest the company’s rollback of DEI initiatives.  

As a Black woman, and mother, I can’t help but ask why is this happening? And what does it really mean for us? I’ll be real, Target has always been one of the few places where I felt good shopping at as a Black woman living in New Hampshire. I could never find products for people of color and brands that I’m familiar with, like Dax Coconut hair grease or gel for my edges. Before a Target opened near me, I had to go back and forth to New York or have my family bring these products when they would visit. Target understood what melanin means and that’s a plus. It has been my go-to when other stores just don’t carry what my family needs.

Target is a place where my family feels seen. At least, we did. During Black History Month, it was heartwarming to walk through the aisles and see t-shirts with empowering messages, children’s clothes with little Black and brown faces, and books that uplift our stories. Representation matters right? When our kids see themselves in products, it tells them, “You belong.” So, when Target decided to backtrack on its DEI commitments, I had to stop and think, what is this world coming to? 

Now, back in April of 2021, Target made a public “ commitment “ to invest $2 billion into Black-owned businesses, expanding opportunities for underrepresented entrepreneurs. This initiative aimed to add products from over 500 Black-owned businesses across its assortment and engage more Black owned companies to enhance its retail operations and shopping experience. 

It was a step in the right direction, recognizing the power of Black consumers and the importance of equity. But now, following political pressure and the rollback of DEI programs nationwide, Target is reversing course. They’re cutting funding to Black-owned brands, stepping away from partnerships with Black designers, and essentially walking backwards. This is about more than dollars: it’s about visibility, respect  and a corporate acknowledgment that we exist and matter.

For Black communities, this feels like a slap in the face. Our economic power is undeniable. We spend billions annually, and we shop at Target just as much as anyone else. When a company takes our money but then decides our representation isn’t worth maintaining, it’s hard not to feel betrayed.

And for allies, I think everyone should support the boycott. Allies stood with us when corporations were posting black squares and making promises in 2020. I’m just hoping nothing has changed and we can stick together. Let me say this: if companies are allowed to erase progress just because the political climate shifts, what does that say about the future of inclusivity in this country?

Raising children who are learning to navigate multiple identities is already challenging in a society that often tries to put people into boxes. When companies stop celebrating diversity, when spaces start feeling less welcoming, those children notice. If my daughter sees fewer Black and brown faces in the books and clothes at Target, what message does that send? That her existence is only valued when it’s profitable?

I can’t lie, it's tough. I love Target. It’s convenient, it’s familiar, and in a state like New Hampshire, where access to diverse products can be limited, it feels necessary. But then I ask myself, what are we willing to accept? How many times will corporations profit off Black culture and communities, only to abandon us when it’s no longer good business.

Boycotts have been a powerful tool in Black history. I remember learning in school about the Montgomery Bus Boycott from 1955-1956. After Rosa Parks’ arrest, Black residents in Montgomery refused to ride city buses for over a year. That made a huge impact. The economic pressure forced the city to desegregate public transportation, proving the power of collective action. During the South African Apartheid Boycott in the 1980s and 1990s, people worldwide boycotted businesses supporting South Africa’s racist apartheid system. The financial strain helped push the country toward democracy. It showed how economic pressure can drive a major change. 

History gives me hope. We might have a chance. Both boycotts worked because they weren’t just symbolic, they hit where it hurts: the economy.

I’m just wondering in the world we live in today at this moment if the boycott is even a good idea. I wonder if Target counts on the fact that people in New Hampshire and across the country don’t feel like we have options. 

If we boycott, that means supporting Black-owned businesses where we can, holding corporations accountable, and using our voices to demand better. If we choose not to boycott, then we should at least be asking questions, like why does a company that was so vocal about DEI suddenly feel the need to pull back? And who benefits from that decision? 

I can’t be silent. I don’t have a lot of answers but I can stay informed and speak out. My answer on boycotting if you all are wondering: It’s a YES, because if I don’t stand up, companies will keep treating diversity like a trend instead of a commitment.

 Shamecca Brown,  is a New Hampshire-based columnist who is family-oriented and passionate about serving underserved communities.

 Shamecca Brown,  is a New Hampshire-based columnist who is family-oriented and passionate about serving underserved communities.

These articles are being shared by partners in the Granite State News Collaborative. For more information, visit collaborativenh.org.

From the web to the streets: Anti-Trump movement takes shape in N.H.

By Jon Decker, Granite State News Collaborative

After protests against President Trump and his administration attracted several hundred people for demonstrations at the State House in February, a group of newly minted Granite State political activists is planning more actions.

On Feb. 5, demonstrators carrying signs protesting Trump and Elon Musk, the leader of the Department of Government Efficiency, turned out in Concord to voice their opposition. And on Feb. 17, a similarly sized crowd showed up in front of the State House for a “Not My Presidents’ Day” protest. Both were part of a nationally coordinated campaign, the  “50501 Movement” — which stands for "50 protests. 50 states. 1 movement.” 

One of the anti-Trump protest’s organizers, Danielle Zobel addresses the crowd via megaphone in front of the New Hampshire State House at a Feb. 5 rally.. (Jon Decker/ Granite State News Collaborative)

No single political organization claims credit for the national campaign, but reporting from Snopes traced initial posts calling for the Feb. 5 protests to a Reddit user by the name of u/Evolved_Fungi, according to a fellow moderator by the handle of U/honeydoulemon. While Evolved_Fungi’s initial post has been deleted, the user is still highly active in the 50501 Reddit page, and has had an account for over three years. 

Three New Hampshire-based Redditors met on the platform and decided to organize the State House protests through additional social media channels. 

“They had it broken out into all 50 states, so I made a post on [the New Hampshire] Reddit. It started to gain some traction, and then I got banned from the national post because they thought I was a bot,” explained organizer and military veteran Christopher Farrell. “So then I jumped over to Discord.”

That’s where organizer Danielle Zobel, creator of the local Discord page, recognized Farrell’s username.

“He was the only one that was starting to get some traction,” Zobel explained. “We had no movement in the New Hampshire Reddit at all and we didn't want that. We were like, ‘no, not in the Live Free or Die state.’”

“I’ve been pushing on TikTok; we have a Facebook group that collaborated with us,” Farrell said. “We had a liaison from the Facebook group coming to Discord to relay information; we had another group from Reddit who were relaying information.”

Farrell filed for a permit to protest from both the state and city just over one week before the Feb. 5 protest was set to take place. The organizer said they were approved the day before the protest.

Democratic activist Todd Ayer speaks at the steps of the State House during the Feb. 5 protest. (Jon Decker/ Granite State News Collaborative)

Although early posts promoting the Feb. 5 event hinted at a protest against the administration's close ties to and implementation of the Heritage Foundation's Project 2025 — a political initiative to reshape the federal government of the United Statesand consolidate executive power in favor of right-wing policies — signs and slogans carried by demonstrators called out just about every aspect of the Trump administration.

Zobel said her primary reason for attending, and helping organize the event, were recent diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) rollbacks and an erosion of women’s rights.

“I also have a teen daughter, so women’s rights are going to be a huge thing for her as she’s coming up into womanhood and adulthood,” Zobel said. “I don’t want her to see that laying down and quitting is an option.”

“My daughter turned 15 today,” Farrell said during the protest, “and veterans are going to be suffering a lot from financial cuts that an unelected billionaire is making with his cronies of 19-to-24-year-olds who don’t have the security clearance to access the keys to the world.”

Musk’s name made frequent appearances on both cardboard signs and from the lips of protesters, who called for the billionaire Trump campaign donor and head of the newly minted DOGE  to be deported to Mars.

“My utter dismay at the disintegration of democracy,” said Nancy Hendrix of Concord when asked what brought her out to protest. “The coup that’s going on in Washington with Elon Musk, an unelected individual, just like all of us accept he’s a billionaire, having access to everyone’s financial information and the treasury payment system. It’s outrageous.”

Anger at Shaheen, Hassan

Protesters speaking out against the Trump administration gather on North Main Street in Concord on Feb. 5 as part of the initial nationwide action called 50501. (Jon Decker/Granite State News Collaborative)

In recent weeks, a host of young aides employed by Musk’s DOGE began entering multiple governmental departments and agencies, including Treasury, Defense and Education as well as the Parks Service, the U.S. Agency for International Development and the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau. They accessed computer systems, many of which hold private financial information, including Social Security numbers. 

“Just to be frank, I went through certain courses to get security clearances in my military experience, and they wouldn’t guarantee that I would be able to touch any type of those systems,” Farrell said. “So just because you work for someone who is friends with the president does not give you any authority, and I really think they’re going to strip America for parts, cut anything they can so [Trump] can afford the tax cuts he’s promised his friends.”

DOGE is not an official government agency and was not created with approval of Congress, but it has  been able to access large swaths of sensitive, even classified information and essentially shut down USAID. These and other DOGE actions are facing legal challenges from a variety of judges and courts, including in New Hampshire, where on Feb. 10 U.S. District Court Judge Joseph N. Laplante placed an injunction on Trump’s executive order that would end the 14th Amendment’s guarantee of birthright citizenship.

It was not just Trump, Musk and other MAGA allies catching fire from the Feb. 5 crowd.

“Jeanne Shaheen and Maggie Hassan should be completely ashamed of themselves for supporting even one of Trump’s nominees,” said Hendryx, describing New Hampshire’s two Democratic senators. “They have supported seven, voted to confirm seven. I can’t even wrap my head around it, honestly.”

Hassan and Shaheen are among three Democratic senators who have supported nine of Trump’s 18 cabinet nominees so far. The only Democratic senator to vote in favor of more is John Fetterman of Pennsylvania.  

Shaheen also was one of five Democratic senators who voted in favor of the Laken Riley Act, which will allow Immigration and Customs Enforcement to detain immigrants charged with larceny, shoplifting and theft regardless of immigration status.

Organizers also claimed that Democratic lawmakers were discouraging people from attending the protests.

Protest organizer Danielle Zobe l(center) joins the crowd on North Main St. in Concord to protest recent executive actions by the Trump administration and Elon Musk. (Jon Decker/ Granite State News Collaborative)

“They were basically saying that if you don’t have funding or aren’t a part of a Democratic organization, that’s an illegitimate demonstration,” Farrell said. “But we’re the people. We live here; you work for us. If you’re not going to do your job, we’ll do it for you.”

Sen. Shaheen did not address the demonstrations when asked for comment, but stated in a written response: “It’s unacceptable that Elon Musk and his DOGE team have been given access to federal payment systems and sensitive personal information at the behest of President Trump. I've demanded accountability and answers from the U.S. Department of the Treasury, and I'll keep calling for protection against this overreach.”

Hassan’s team did not immediately respond to requests for comment. 

Although Zobel and Farrell stated they received little support, and in some cases discouragement from official Democratic organizations, the crowd size at the protests seems to be changing a few attitudes. 

“The day after the [first] protest is when we started getting messages from a few organizations we reached out to previously,” said Farrell’s wife and fellow organizer, Victoria. According to both the Farrells and Zobel, they are now talking with the Kent Street Coalition, a Concord-based progressive activist group.

“They’re more established,” Farrell said. “They were probably sitting back, waiting to see how Wednesday turned out before they tied themselves to it.” 

Kent Street Coalition co-founder Louise Spencer confirmed contact with Farrell after the protests. 

“Our thought was that the call [for protest] had gone out nationally through Reddit and it was anonymous,” Spencer explained. “Without knowing who the organizers were personally, the idea was to let our members know it was happening, but we were not sponsors.” 

The Kent Street Coalition was founded in December 2015, right after Trump won his first presidential term, and experienced a similar beginning, according to Spencer. 

“We went from brand spanking new, too,” Spencer said. “We support people in stepping up when the need arises, and we're grateful these folks stepped up and put the event together. They seem to have done that in a careful and considered way.”

Despite the obviously progressive messaging of the protest, Zobel iterated that the event was not a rebuke of Trump voters themselves. 

“There are so many people that supported Trump and they don’t approve of Musk's involvement,” Zobel said. “We have to be willing to reach across the aisle and say, ‘Hey, do you see this?’”

A protester bearing a sign referencing WWII era concentration camps rallies the crowd. (Jon Decker/Granite State News Collaborative)

“So much is happening, but I know there are Republicans as well who are like, ‘What is going on?’” said Victoria Farrell. “We are all looking at each other saying, ‘What are we going to do about this? Is anyone doing anything?’”

As for future plans, Zobel and Farrell said they are working on a new, more New Hampshire-oriented Discord to plan further protests, including a second nationwide action that took place on Monday, Feb. 17. 

These articles are being shared by partners in the Granite State News Collaborative. For more information, visit collaborativenh.org.